Monday, May 13, 2013

우타르 프라데쉬 주 동부 지역의 방직 산업에 대한 지지와 그에 관한 이슈들


우타르 프라데쉬 주 동부 지역의 방직 산업에 대한 지지와 그에 관한 이슈들

Written by Dr.Lenin(Secretary General, People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights)


세계적으로 유명한 바라나시의 사리는 인도여성들의 전통적인 옷으로써 지금까지 이어져 오고 있는 바라나시의 오래된 전통 중에 하나이다. 사리를 베틀로 짜는 전통은 거의 800년 이상 되었고, 사리는 수 세기 동안 인도 전역에서 가장 대중적인 것으로 자리잡았다. 전 인도에서 가장 좋은 것으로 평가되는 바라나시의 사리는 정교한 자수와 판화기법으로 훌륭하게 장식되고 좋은 실크로 만들어진다. 사리의 좋은 디자인과 품질은 베틀을 이용하여 실크를 짜는데 있어 좋은 분위기를 조성했고, 인도 실크 방직 산업에서 바라나시가 중심이 될 수 있도록 이끌었다.
 
또한, 사리디자인에 힌두 양식과 이슬람 양식이 혼합된 것에서 볼 수 있듯이 바라나시의 방직 산업은 문화의 융합과 혼합의 기준이다. 대부분 바라나시 사리는 숙련된 방직공들이 베틀을 이용하여 짬으로써 만들어진다. 고대로부터 전해내려 온 베틀을 이용하여 사리를 만드는 방법들은, 수세기 동안 천천히 변해왔다. 하지만, 지난 수십 년 사이 기계 직조기의 도입으로 이 곳 방직산업의 모습은 크게 변하고 있다.

1990년대 이후로, 기존 방직 산업은 하향세로 접어들었다. 사리의 수요는 소비자의 입 맛에 맞춘 값싼 기성복의 증가로 인하여 줄어들었고, 생산과정과 공급에 있어 붕괴현상을 가져오고 있으며, 최근 무역 정책은 바라나시 사리와 수입품의 가격차이를 확연하게 벌리고 있다. 또한, 자유무역을 옹호하는 정책들은 방직 산업에 있어서 치명적인 타격을 주고 있다. 값싼 섬유수입품들은 세계무역기구(WTO)의 비농산물시장접근(NAMA) 협정에 의해 이전보다 더 중요성을 얻고 있다. 그 협정으로 인해 사리와 같은 섬유산업에 부과되는 세금을 포함하는 수입관세의 하락이 지속되고 있다.

 대부분의 방직공들의 상황은 가족들을 부양할 여력의 부족과 건강문제, 수입의 감소, 굶주림 때문에 가난이 증가되는 최악의 상태에 놓여 있고 이것은 악화되어가고만 있다. 방직공 자녀들의 50퍼센트 이상이 영양실조인 것으로 추산되고 있다. 심지어 많은 방직공들은 그들 자신과 자녀들이 기본적인 의료서비스를 받을 수 있는 재정적 여유조차 없다. 그로 인해 그들은 자주 아프고, 폐결핵, 진폐증, 위궤양, 빈혈, 요통, 신경쇠약 등의 질병에 자주 노출되고 있다. 특히, 천을 만들 때 발생하는 먼지와 섬유소로 인하여 호흡기와 관련되어 발생하는 질병들이 문제가 된다. 이 중 몇몇은 폐결핵으로 고통 받고 있고, 심각한 경우인 다제 약제 내성 결핵(Multi Drug Resistance-TBc)을 앓고 있는 사람들도 있다. 한편, 방직공들은 자신들의 본래 일을 통하여 얻는 부족한 수입을 충당하기 위해 싸이클릭샤나 행상, 또는 빚을 얻어 소규모 상점을 여는 등의 일들을 하기 시작했다. 현재 몇몇 방직공들은 그들 자신의 삶에 대해 낙담하고 있고, 2002년 이래로 175명의 방직공들이 자살했다.

 국가 내의 의료보건체계가 마련되어 있음에도 방직공들은 종종 그들의 건강권을 거부당하기도 하며, 이러한 사실은 언론들의 관심사 밖에 있다. 사실, 몇몇 건강보험은 방직공커뮤니티에 AAY(Antodaya Anna Yojana)카드를 분배해주고 있긴 하다. 그러나, 바라나시에서는 정치적인 연줄이 있거나 뇌물을 제공하는 몇몇의 노동자나 방직공들만이 정부관할 병원에 접근할 수 있을 뿐이다.

 바라나시 방직 산업에서 여성과 아이들은 주로 착취의 대상이다. 그들은 방직 산업에서 중요한 역할들을 담당하는 것으로 여겨지나, 그들의 일상적인 역할에 대해 보수를 받지 못하거나 인정받지 못하는 경우가 허다하다.

 여성들은 종종 실을 자르거나 감는 등의 일과 하찮거나 부차적인 일로 여겨지는 라벨을 붙이는 등의 일, 그 외에 다른 중요한 일들도 수행하고 있다. 이러한 일들은 매우 장시간 수행해야 하는 고생스런 일들이다. 이것은 한 번 일을 할 때, 6~7시간이상 불편한 자세로 일해야 한다는 것을 말한다. 여성들은 앉는 것이 허용되지 않고, 베틀을 이용하여 사리를 짜는 등과 같은 일도 허용되지 않는다. 덕분에 그들은 요통으로 자주 고통 받고 7~8시간동안 지속적으로 어두운 장소에서 앉아 일을 하기 때문에 시력도 감퇴되어 잘 보이지 않는다. 그리고 아플 때 여성들은 건강보험제도 아래 있지 못하므로, 치료를 위해 엄청난 돈을 지불해야만 한다. 복지시설 이용혜택과 건강 케어를 제공받지 못하는 것으로 인해 여성들이 고통 당하고 있는 현실과 그들의 삶이 피폐화된 것에 대해 정부는 확연한 과실이 있다. 여기에 덧붙여, 가부장제에 의해 형성된 사회적 분위기는 여성들이 건강서비스를 받는 것에 대한 논의를 연기하고 회피하도록 만들고 있다.

 아이들 또한 가족들을 도와 사리를 만드는데, 영양실조로 고통 받는 매우 피곤한 상태에서 오랜 시간 동안 일해야만 한다. 아이들은 대개 사리 생산 속도를 향상시킬 수 있는 사리 패턴을 만드는 등의 잡일에 고용된다. 때때로 아이들은 가족의 빚을 갚기 위한 목적 혹은 가족들을 위한 음식마련을 위해 다른 직종에서 일하기도 한다.

2002, PVCHR 방직공들을 조직시키고 연합시키는 전략을 추구하기로 결심했다. 500여명의 방직공들과 PVCHR, 베틀 산업의 생존을 추구하고 정부의 방직공들에 대한 사회 보장 향상을 위한 조직을 만들었다. 2003, 연합조직은 공식적으로 BDAM(Bunkar Dastkaar Adhikaar Manch)을 출범시켰다. 출범 후, BDAM은 의장으로 시띠퀘 하산(Siddique Hasan) 씨를 선출했다.

 BDAM은 현재 멤버쉽 기반으로 운영되고 있고, 방직공들을 조직하고 옹호하는 일들을 수행해나가고 있다. BDAM은 세 개의 주요 이슈에 초점을 맞추고 있다: 건강권, 식량권, 베틀산업의 생존. BDAM은 자신들의 경험을 말할 기회를 사람들에게 부여하는 'folkway'전략을 사용하고 있고, PVCHR의 도움을 받아 사람들이 증언했던 것과 그들이 처했던 문제들을 문서화하고 정리하고 있다. BDAM PVCHR은 멤버들의 자존감을 높이고 멤버들의 증언을 독려하기 위해, 2004년 이후에 3번의 컨퍼런스(People’s Tribunal)을 가졌다. 이 컨퍼런스를 통하여 방직공들은 그들의 이야기와 다른 의견들을 공유하고 공론화시킬 수 있는 자리를 만들 수 있었다.

 BDAM PVCHR은 방직공 커뮤니티를 도울 수 있는 공공정책(특히, 공공보건에 초점을 맞춰)을 도모하는데 노력하고 있다. BDAMPVCHR 공공보건체계를 향상시키고 방직공들이 그에 대한 접근이 용이하도록 지속적으로 정부에 로비하고 있다. PVCHR은 많은 시간을 할애하여 인도계획위원회(India’s Planning Commission)에 탄원을 넣어왔다. 그에 대한 응답으로, 인도계획위원회(India’s Planning Commission)의 멤버인 사이야다 하미드(Saiyada Hamid) 씨가 방직공 커뮤니티에 두 번 정도 방문하였다.

 
청원활동의 결과로써, 정부는 05-06회계연도의 시작에 맞추어 방직공들을 위한 건강보험제도를 결국 승인했다. 이러한 제도 아래, 방직공들과 그 가족들(남편, 아내, 2명이상의 자녀)의 건강 보험은 공립병원 외에 지정된 사립병원까지 확장되기에 이르렀다. 이 보험제도는 ICICI은행에 의해 시행되고 있고, 이 보험의 조건으로 인해 모든 방직공들은 일년에 한 번 200루피의 보험료를 내야하며 정부는 방직공들을 위해 902루피를 지급해주고 있다. 연 보험한도는 15000루피 혹은 대략 350달러이고, 이러한 보험정책은 BDAM PVCHR의 중요한 성과 중에 하나이다.

 한편, 지식재산권리 중의 하나인GI(Geographical Indications)는 지리적 관련성이 판별되면 어떤 한 상품의 명성과 품질을 보호할 수 있는 권리이다. 2009, 바라나시 상품들인 실크 사리, 실크 융단, 실크자수, 드레스감, 섬유제품 등은 네 개의 분류로 나뉘어졌고 각각에 GI증서를 부여받았다. GI증서 부여의 가장 중요한 의미는 우타르 프라데쉬 주의 6지역인 바라나시(Varanasi), 미르자뿌르(Mirzapur), 찬다울리(Chandauli), 바도히(Bhadohi), 자운뿌르(Jaunpur), 아잠가르(Azamgarh)에서 생산되는 사리들과 융단들은 법적으로 바라나시의 이름으로 판매되게 되었다는 점이다. GI증서는 모조품과 구별될 수 있도록 방직공들의 권리를 확정시켜줬고, 그들의 정체성과 기술, 생계를 보호하는데 있어 도움을 주고 있다.

 Find Your Feet (FYF)는 영국에 기반을 둔 자선단체로, 처음에는 중간도매상을 거치지 않고 방직공들이 직접 물건을 팔아 제대로 된 이익을 챙길 수 있도록 도와주는 것으로 자선활동을 시작했다. 이후에, Find Your Feet (FYF)는 바라나시 실크 생산품들이 GI를 받는 데에 있어 중요한 공헌을 했고, 현재 방직공들의 권리를 위해 다양한 방법으로 도움을 주고 있다.

 현재, 인도정부의 섬유산업 담당부서는 베틀산업에 종사하는 방직공들을 위해 많은 제도(베틀마크, 건강보험제도, GI증서부여 등)를 도입했다. 그러나, 실제 엘리트 세력과 여러 세력들의 부패와 관련하여 방직공들을 위한 제도의 정보를 숨기려는 악의적인 시도 때문에 방직공들은 이 제도로 인해 작은 부분에서만 이익을 얻고 있다. 제도와 실제의 이러한 괴리로 인하여 정상적인 제도의 실행에 있어 부패만이 증가되고 있는 실정이다.

 



 

Sunday, May 12, 2013

My statement in case of attempt to mine murder:Lenin Raghuvanshi



GmailLenin Raghuvanshi

My statement in case of attempt to mine murder
1 message

PVCHR ED Sun, May 12, 2013 at 8:45 PM

To: cmup@nic.in, cmup@up.nic.in, DIG Police ComplaintCell Lucknow , IG Zone Police Varanasi , UP Police Computer Cetre Lucknow , "A.K. Parashar" , hrd-nhrc@nic.in
Bcc: Human Rights Defenders Programme , "DR.Lenin" , Hrd-ra OHCHR , pong@forum-asia.org, DIG Varanasi , sspvns@up.nic.in, 

Investigation office is not coming in FIR.Crime no. 359/13 under section 307, 452, 343 and 325 of Indian Penal Code in Police sattion Cantt,Varanasi. http://www.pvchr.net/2013/04/first-information-report-fir-lodged-in.html

We went to intensive investigation of our doubt and found Sunil Kumar Gupta is behind the attempt to murder.We supported case of his wife suffering with domestic violence by Sunil Gupta. Due to our intervention and tireless effort of non-violence approach,police filed FIR againt Sunil.See link:http://www.pvchr.net/2013/03/breaking-silence-hope.html Sunil filed a Hebeus Corpus against me,which is based on wrong and manipulated facts.First time High Court issued notice to non-state actor in Habeus Corpus in my knowledge. High Court gave order in our favour. See link:http://www.scribd.com/doc/132395197/Order-of-High-Court-in-case-of-sapana

 I issued Urgent appeal on 25 January 2013.Please see link:http://www.pvchr.net/2013/01/india-threats-to-human-rights-defenders.html I writes, " I fully understand that the police-mafia nexus might make attempt to kill me or my family members or try to get me trapped in bogus case. I have been threatened so on December 20, 2012 and January 16, 2013.
Therefore, I request that I, my family, Sapna Chaurasia and her family be protected and a probe should be conducted at high level by the CBCID or CBI due to involvement of corrupts in all sectors such as media, police, NGOs, lawyers, relatives etc, because I received many calls and advises from them to withdrawal my petition and support. First time in my life, I am feeling that my death is so near. I believe in life before death like Jesus, so I am going to fight up to my death against corrupt and patriarchal elements. If I will be died, please support to people of PVCHR and provide care to my son. It is my testimony on the birthday of my son Kabeer karunik on 24 January 2013."

Lenin Raghuvanshi
SA 4/2 A, Daualtpur, Varanasi-221002
--



Public Hearing on the realization of rule of law for scheduled caste


People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) and Caritas India in collaboration with PUCL, NCDHR, Dalit Social Forum, DASHRA and Manav Adhikar Patrika are organizing a Public Hearing on 17 May, 2013 at 10 am in A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, North Gandhi Maidan, Patna to deal with various issues related to abuses and atrocities committed against the most marginalized sections of the society especially scheduled castes or the Mahadalits by various state agencies. 

The need to ensure dignity and justice to the most marginalized section especially Mahadalits in the state has motivated the human rights organizations, civil society groups, legal experts, and academicians to come together to a public  platform to voice their concerns. The specific objective of this hearing is to highlight and present a systematic account and assessment of the discrimination, gross prejudices and atrocities suffered by the marginalized section of the society. 

Today, Bihar is not only considered the most backward state in India. The cases of human rights' violation in the state during the last four years under different categories are increasing at an alarming rate for realization of rule of law at grass-root level. Acute social disparities, extreme poverty and discrimination largely accentuate the violations against the marginalized section especially Dalits, women, poor and landless.

The public hearing will be inaugurated by the Chief Guest Shri C.K Tyagi, Presenting Officer, National Human Rights Commission. The hearing will consist of a panelist from prominent academicians, former police officials, members of civil society organizations and Human Rights Defenders in front of whom the victims would provide necessary testimonies about their problems. A total of 30 cases will be deposited along with the testimonies of other experts on the topic. The fact of the violation reporting will be shared to the various concerned authorities such as at state level, human rights institutions etc. along with the panelist recommendation. 

Place:A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, North Gandhi Maidan, Patna 

  • Therefore it is a kind request please marks your valuable participation in the program for making it successful. 

    Note: If any further information required in this context please contact Mr. Girish Peter on his mobile no. +91-9308608562 Email: girish@caritasindia.org and Mr. Anup Kumar Srivastava Mobile No: +91-9935599335 

    Thanking You

    Sincerely Yours

    Girish Peter 
    State Officer, Bihar
    Caritas India

    Link on facebook:

    Friday, May 03, 2013

    Violence against women and girls as functioning on a continuum that spans the life-cycle from the womb to the tomb


    Press statement of Special Rapporteur on Violence against women, its causes and consequences finalises country mission to India:

    Submission to the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women by PVCHR:


    The vicious cycle of exploitation and injustice with women:

    Increasingly, however, states are seen as responsible for protecting the rights of women even in connection with offences committed within home. The challenge is to end impunity for the perpetrators as one means of preventing future abuse.


    Special Rapporteur on Violence against women, its causes and consequences finalises country mission to India


    NEW DELHI (1 May 2013) – At the end of her official country mission to India, the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Rashida Manjoo, delivered the following statement:

    “I have been mandated by the Human Rights Council to seek and receive information on violence against women, its causes and consequences, and to recommend measures to eliminate all forms of violence against women.

    I would like to begin by expressing my thanks to the Government of India for having invited me to visit the country from 22 April to 1 May. The invitation, which was in response to a request from my mandate, was received prior to the events that led to the death of a young woman in Delhi on 16 December 2012. The protest actions and outpouring of sadness and anger; and the extensive coverage by the media, both local and global; has generated a huge focus on the issue of violence against women and girls in India.  This mission has generated country-wide interest, and also, demands for the addressing of this systemic problem as an urgent imperative, at both the State and the non-state levels.

    During my visit, I held meetings in New Delhi, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Manipur, and gathered information from other states, including Tamil Nadu. I am grateful to all my interlocutors, including Union and State authorities, National Human Rights Institutions, representatives of civil society organisations, and United Nations agencies. Most importantly, I want to thank the individual women who shared their personal experiences of violence and survival with me. The pain and anguish in the testimonies of loss, dispossession, and various human rights violations, was visceral and often difficult to deal with.

    The Government of India has signed and ratified numerous international human rights instruments and has also adopted numerous progressive laws and policies at the Union and State levels. Numerous laws, including amendments to existing laws, have been enacted to address various manifestations of violence against women. Among others, these include: the Indian Penal Code which broadly includes crimes against women. This law includes the crimes of rape, kidnapping and abduction for specified purposes, homicide for dowry, torture, molestation, eve teasing, and the importation of girls, among others. More specific laws on crimes against women include: the Criminal Law Amendment Act 2013, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prohibition, Prevention and Redressal) Act 2013, the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005, the Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act 1986, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, the Dowry Prohibition Act 1961, the Commission of Sati Prevention Act 1961, and the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act 1956 among others.

    Furthermore, the following Bills are currently under discussion: the Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Amendment Bill 2012, the Readjustment of Representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Bill 2013, the Removal of Homelessness Bill 2013, the Prevention of Female Infanticide Bill 2013, the Abolition of Child Labour Bill 2013, the Child Welfare Bill 2013, the Indecent or Surrogate Advertisements and Remix Songs (Prohibition) Bill 2013 and among others.

    At the institutional level, the realisation of the promotion and protection of human rights broadly, and women’s rights and children’s rights specifically, are vested in numerous Union and state level Ministries, Departments, Commissions, Committees and Missions for the empowerment of women. Furthermore, I was informed about numerous programs and policies that have been put in place in recent years to address the issue of violence against women within a human rights and development framework. These include schemes addressing the needs of victims of rape, trafficking, domestic violence, and so on. Some of these schemes address counselling, support, skills development, access to benefits and also to shelters. Public/private partnerships have been forged within different spheres including the police sector. The laws and schemes highlighted above will be analysed and discussed fully in my mission report.

    I welcome the Government of India’s speedy response after the rape incident of 16 December. A judicial committee headed by the late Justice Verma was established, and new legislative measures were adopted earlier this year. While this legislative reform is to be commended, it is regrettable that the amendments do not fully reflect the Verma Committee’s recommendations.

    It is unfortunate that the opportunity to establish a substantive and specific equality and non-discrimination rights legislative framework for women, to address de facto inequality and discrimination, and to protect and prevent against all forms of violence against women, was lost. The speedy developments and also the adoption of a law and order approach to sexual wrongs, now includes the death penalty for certain crimes against women.

    This development foreclosed the opportunity to establish a holistic and remedial framework which is underpinned by transformative norms and standards, including those relating to sexual and bodily integrity rights. Furthermore, the approach adopted fails to address the structural and root causes and consequences of violence against women.

    The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act is a positive development in the aspirational goal of protection for victims of family violence.

    The discrepancy between the provisions of the laws and the effective implementation thereof, whether through the use of the police generally or the Protection Officers in particular, was a recurrent complaint which I heard. Despite provisions intended to offer legal, social and financial assistance to victims, many women are unable to register their complaints. As a result, the vulnerability of women increases, and further, they are also deprived of the benefits prescribed in the law - as proof of registration of cases is required for access to many benefits. Furthermore, prevention of violence, as a core due diligence obligation of the State, does not feature in the implementation of this law.

    Despite numerous positive developments, the unfortunate reality is that the rights of many women in India continue to be violated, with impunity as the norm, according to many submissions received. Mediation and compensation measures are often used as redress mechanisms to address cases of violence against women, thus eroding accountability imperatives, and further fostering norms of impunity.

    Manifestations of violence against women

    Numerous experiences of violence, whether direct or indirect, in different spheres including the home, the community, and in institutions, whether perpetrated by state actors or condoned by the State, was shared with me during the mission. Violence is being experienced in situations of peace, conflict, post-conflict, and displacement among others. The denial of constitutional rights in general, and the violation of the rights of equality, dignity, bodily integrity, life and access to justice in particular, was a theme that was common in many testimonies. Violence against women as a cause and consequence of de facto inequality and discrimination was also a common theme in numerous submissions received.

    Violence against women and girls in India manifests in numerous ways and varies in prevalence and forms based on numerous factors including geographic location. Some manifestations include: sexual violence, domestic violence, caste-based discrimination and violence, dowry related deaths, crimes in the name of honour, witch-hunting, sati, sexual harassment, violence against lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people, forced and/or early marriages, deprivation of access to water and basic sanitation, violence against women with disabilities, sexual and reproductive rights violations, sex selection practices, violence in custodial settings and violence in conflict situations, among others. These manifestations of violence are rooted in multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination and inequalities faced by women, and are strongly linked to their social and economic situation. One interlocutor described violence against women and girls as functioning on a continuum that spans the life-cycle from the womb to the tomb.

    During my visit, I heard numerous testimonies of many women who are survivors of domestic violence, whether at the hands of their husbands or other family members. Many of these women live in family settings with deeply entrenched norms of patriarchy and cultural practices linked to notions of male superiority and female inferiority. The lack of effective remedies, the failure of the State to protect and prevent violence against women, the economic dependence of many women on the men in their lives, and the social realities of exclusion and marginalization when speaking out, often results in women accepting violence as part of their reality. The current focus by state actors on preserving the unity of the family is manifested in the welfare/social approach and not in the human rights based approach. It does not take into consideration the nature of relationships based on power and powerlessness; of economic and emotional dependency; and also the use of culture, tradition and religion as a defence for abusive behaviour.

    Sexual violence and harassment in India is widespread, and is perpetuated in public spaces, in the family or in the workplace. There is a generalized sense of insecurity in public spaces/amenities/transport facilities in particular, and women are often victims of different forms of sexual harassment and assault.

    On the issue of conflict-related sexual violence, it is crucial to acknowledge that these violations are occurring at the hands of both state and non-state actors. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act (AFSPA) has mostly resulted in impunity for human rights violations broadly, according to information received. The law protects the armed forces from effective prosecution in non-military courts for human rights violations committed against civilian women among others, and it allows for the overriding of due process rights.

    Furthermore, in testimonies received, it was clear that the interpretation and implementation of this act, is eroding fundamental rights and freedoms - including freedom of movement, association and peaceful assembly, safety and security, dignity and bodily integrity rights, for women, in Jammu & Kashmir and in the North-Eastern States. Unfortunately in the interests of State security, peaceful and legitimate protests often elicit a military response, which is resulting in both a culture of fear and of resistance within these societies.

    In India, women from the Dalit, Adivasi, other Scheduled castes, tribal and indigenous minorities, are often victims of a multiplicity of forms of discrimination and violence. Despite protective legislative and affirmative action laws and policies, their reality is one where they exist at the bottom of the political, economic and social systems, and they experience some of the worst forms of discrimination and oppression - thereby perpetuating their socio-economic vulnerability across generations. They are often forced to live in displacement settings, experience forced labour practices, prostitution and trafficking, and also experience intra-community violations of rights.

    In consultations in Manipur, I heard anguished stories from relatives of young women who have disappeared without trace or who were found dead shortly after going missing. The lack of response from the police is the norm in such cases, with the attitude being that these are mostly elopement cases.

    I am deeply concerned about other consequences of such disappearances of young women, including exposure to sexual abuse, exploitation or trafficking. More generally, many tribal and indigenous women in the region are subjected to continued abuse, ill-treatment and acts of physical and sexual violence. They are denied access to healthcare and other necessary resources, due to the frequency of curfews and blockades imposed on citizens. Moreover, the chronic underdevelopment prevalent in the region, coupled with frequent economic blockades, is having an impact on the overall cost of essential items, and is exacerbating the already vulnerable situation of women and children living in the region.

    Customary and religious practices such as child marriages and dowry-related practices, sorcery, honour killings, witch-hunting of women, and communal violence perpetrated against cultural and religious minorities, were highlighted in numerous testimonies. Communal violence, inspired by religious intolerance, does manifest in some parts of India. Indiscriminate attacks by religious majorities on religious minorities, including Christian and Muslim minorities, is frequently explained away by implying that equal aggression was noted on both sides. Also, such violence is sometimes labelled as ‘riots’, thereby denying the lack of security for religious and other minorities, and disregarding their right to equal citizenship. This issue is of particular concern to many, as the wounds of the past are still fresh for women who were beaten, stripped naked, burnt, raped and killed because of their religious identity, in the Gujarat massacre of 2002.

    I am also concerned about the declining female sex ratio in India. The deeply entrenched patriarchal social norms, prevailing views of daughter-aversion and son-preference, the dowry-related link, and, the general sense of insecurity in light of high prevalence rates of gender-based violence, is fuelling a significant drop in female births throughout the country. The Indian Government’s concern about this issue has resulted in the adoption of policies and schemes. The implementation of such interventions is resulting in the policing of pregnancies through tracking/surveillance systems and is resulting in some cases in the denial of legal abortion rights, thereby violating the sexual and reproductive rights of women.

    With regard to domestic workers, I am dismayed by the prevalence of numerous violations faced by these women and girls. Many of them, often migrant and unregistered women, work in servitude and even bondage, in frequently hostile environments; performing work that is undervalued, poorly regulated and low-paid. According to testimonies, they are also denied access to essential services and resources provided by the State, as they lack proper identification, and view this as a barrier to access. They are often the victims of various acts of violence, including sexual harassment and victimization by their employers and others.

    I have also been informed that women with disabilities experience numerous forms of violence, including sexual violence, forced sterilization and/or abortions and forced medication without their consent. In addition, their experience of discrimination, exclusion and marginalisation reinforces the need for greater attention and specificity.

    India has embarked on a journey of aggressive economic growth and this path is viewed as the route to simultaneously addressing its human development challenges. Despite the inclusion of beneficial provisions for women and children in the Five Year Plan, the impact of economic development policies on women is resulting in forced evictions, landlessness, threats to livelihoods, environmental degradation, and the violation of bodily integrity rights, among other violations. The adverse consequence of resulting migration to urban areas is reflected in the living and work conditions of many of these women and children, for example living in slums or on the streets, engaging in scavenging activities and in sex work etc.

    Some women have committed suicide; others are frequently exposed to acts of harassment and violence, including sexual assault. It was strongly argued by many interlocutors that India’s pursuit of neo-liberal economic growth must not be pursued at the expense of vulnerable women and children, and their right to a healthy and secure environment.

    Conclusion

    Numerous human rights mechanisms have addressed the violation of women’s human rights in India. The substance of some relevant recommendations addresses the following issues:

    • There is  a need for urgent measures to end the alarming decline in sex ratios (CEDAW, CRC)
    • The negative effect of personal status laws on the achievement of overall gender equality (CRC, CCPR, and CEDAW). Such laws need to be reformed to ensure equality in law (CEDAW).
    • The social and cultural patterns of discrimination against women require urgent action by the State (CEDAW).
    • Ensure that all victims of domestic violence are able to benefit from the legislation on domestic violence. Develop a comprehensive plan to combat all forms of violence against women (CEDAW). Domestic violence is endemic. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act and Section 498-A of the Indian Penal Code must be enforced effectively (CESCR).
    • The implementation of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the Public Safety Act and the National Security Act, and the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act should be repealed (HRC, SR Summary Executions), as it perpetuates impunity (HRC), and is widely used against Human Rights Defenders (SR HRD).
    • Grave concerns are noted as regards the continuing atrocities perpetrated against Dalit women. There is a culture of impunity for violations of the rights of Dalit women (CEDAW). Concerns are further expressed for the failure to properly register and investigate complaints of violations against scheduled castes and tribes, the high rate of acquittals, the low conviction rates, and the alarming backlog of cases related to such atrocities (CRC, CEDAW and CERD).
    • The practice of devadasi is of concern (HRC). The effective enforcement of relevant legislation and the Indian Constitution is required to end this practice (CERD).
    • To expeditiously enact the proposed Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill, 2005 with the incorporation of: sexual and gender-based crimes, including mass crimes against women perpetrated during communal violence; a comprehensive system of reparations for victims of such crimes; and gender-sensitive victim-centred procedural and evidentiary rules, and to ensure that inaction or complicity of State officials in communal violence be urgently addressed under this legislation.
    • Grave concern is expressed about the continued existence of women and girls employed as domestic workers and their experiences of sexual abuse (CEDAW).
    • Harmful practices on women and girls, including forced marriage, dowry and dowry-related violence are of great concern (CEDAW, CRC, CERD, and HRC). Violence and social sanctions due to inter-caste relationships are also of concern (CERD).
    • The impact of mega-projects on the rights of women should be thoroughly studied, including their impact on tribal and rural communities, and safeguards should be instituted (CEDAW).
    • Continuing disparities in literacy levels are of concern, in particular the educational status of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and Muslim women (CEDAW). Effective measures must be adopted to reduce the drop-out rates among Dalit girls (CERD).
    • More effort is needed to end customary practices which deprive women from underprivileged classes, castes and religious minorities of their rights to human dignity and to non-discrimination (HRC).
    I would like to encourage the government of India to ensure specificity in addressing the multiple and intersecting inequalities and discrimination that women face. My mandate has consistently voiced the view that the failure in response and prevention measures stems from Government’s inability and/or unwillingness to acknowledge and address the core structural causes of violence against women. Linkages should be made between violence against women and other systems of oppression and discrimination prevalent within societies. A legislative and policy approach will not bring about substantive change if it is not implemented within a holistic approach that simultaneously targets the empowerment of women, social transformation, and the provision of remedies that ultimately address the continuum of discrimination and violence, and also the pervasive culture of impunity.
    My comprehensive findings will be discussed in the report that I will present to the United Nations Human Rights Council in June 2014.”

    ENDS

    Ms. Rashida Manjoo (South Africa) was appointed Special Rapporteur on Violence against women, its causes and consequences in June 2009 by the UN Human Rights Council. As Special Rapporteur, she is independent from any government or organization and serves in her individual capacity. Ms. Manjoo also holds a part-time position as a Professor in the Department of Public Law of the University of Cape Town. Learn more, visit: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/women/rapporteur/index.htm